WE MUST VIEW THE WOMEN'S QUESTION FROM A CLASS STANDPOINT - LE DUAN 

(Talk at a national conference of women activists, February 1959).

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I. THE POSITION OF THE WOMEN'S MOVEMENT AT PRESENT 

 Viet Nam being an agricultural country, the overwhelming majority of its women are peasants. Under French domination women constituted a dogcheap source of manpower for the owners of mines and factories, which accounted for the great number of women workers. Further, ours was a feudal country, where, as a rule, women were subjected to the direct heaviest oppression and exploitation. These are the characteristic features of Vietnamese women in the past. This also explains why our revolutionary movement counted in its ranks many outstanding women fighters. The Resistance War, the land reform drives and the period of peaceful reconstruction have all underscored the important role of women. I have no intention to dwell upon their capabilities and achievements which are well known to you. 

 What I wish to deal with are some questions relating to women's activities. I presume that all the delegates have studied the Resolution of the 14th Plenary Session of the Party Central Committee. You are all aware that we are now embarking on the path of socialist revolution. This is a most thorough revolution. It is even more deep-going than the national democratic revolution we have gone through. There fore, it must generate a nation-wide revolutionary movement. The same applies to the women's movement which must become part of this movement . The political task of the women's movement must be an integral part of the political task now facing the whole nation, i. e. we must rouse our women to active participation in the socialist revolution wherein they are to play a most important role. 

 Formerly, during the national-democratic revolution, the main thing was to take up arms against the enemy. To combat the aggressors for the sake of national salvation was then the common task of the entire Vietnamese people. In those day women also joined the guerillas and gave battle to the enemy. But that was on a rather limited scale , because direct combat activities require great physical strength. And so, generally speaking, frontline fighting was the task of men. Our women made great contribution to the Resistance War mainly by increasing production, carrying supplies to the front or undertaking other activities in the rear.

 But things are now quite different with the present socialist revolution, the purpose of which is to eradicate capitalism, to free the productive forces, to raise labour productivity and effect the socialist transformation of all non-socialist components of the economy. Ours being mainly an agricultural economy, the main task of the drive for socialist transformation in the immediate future is to turn our backward agriculture into a co-operativized, and subsequently, mechanized and modern agriculture. Who are the labourers that directly carry out the socialist revolution in the countryside? They are the poor and middle peasants, half of whom are women. It may be said that our women peasants are shouldering a bigger work load than men. A great number of them have thus taken a direct part in the socialist revolution now unfolding in the countryside. Another drive is going on in factories, the drive for the improvement of industrial management. As masters of their factories, the workers many of them are women - must take part in this drive. In this way, women workers also play a direct role in the socialist revolution. In urban centres, trade and handicraft are branches with a fairly large number of women. Therefore, our sisters also take an important part in the socialist transformation of private capitalist industry trade and in the co-operativization of small trade and handicraft. 

 Thus, we clearly realize that women have an important position and a great role to play in the socialist revolution, just as they have actively participated in the revolutionary movement over the past decades. But what about the women's movement itself? As I see it, not only now but also in the past, our women mainly take part in the general movement whereas their own women's movement remains rather weak and suffers many shortcomings. Therefore, what I wish to say today is that our women should not merely take part in the general movement but should also build up a revolutionary movement of their own. 

 As integral parts of the general revolutionary move ment, there now are revolutionary movements of workers, peasants, youths, women, etc. The youths and armymen have had their own distinctive movements, though these are still beset with shortcomings. But the same cannot be said of the women's movement. That is perhaps the greatest shortcoming, and we must take a hard look at it. 

 

II. AGITATION WORK AMONG WOMEN MUST BE FUNDAMENTALLY BASED ON OUR CLASS LINE

 I have just heard your views on the women's movement in the context of the drive for co-operativization. I have the impression that you have not yet firmly grasped the line of agitation work among women. Why so? First of all, because you have had no clear idea as to the political task of the women's movement. Also because, in your discussions, you have divorced the women's movement from the context of the general movement. One should realize that, fundamentally, the women's movement is none other than a class struggle. The socialist revolution aims at abolishing all forms of economic exploitation and at building up a socialist economy free from the exploitation of man by man. That is a class struggle, a struggle between the socialist and capitalist paths. All labouring people, women included, must take part in this revolutionary struggle. Therefore, if the women's movement is to make a major contribution to the revolutionary move ment as a whole, it is essential that our labouring sisters should be deeply roused to class consciousness. Without a profound class standpoint, women are not able to fully participate in the general movement. 

 During the period of transition from capitalism to socialism there still remain certain survivals of some thousand years of feudal and capitalist domination. There still are serious instances of oppression of, and unequal treatment towards, women. Therefore, if we want to give a vigorous impetus to the women's movement, all our labouring women must be made to realize that the oppression of women has its class origins. The deeper their class consciousness, the more profound will be their awareness of their interests. And so, without a class standpoint, it is impossible to build up a distinctive women's movement.

 Generally speaking, whatever handicaps and disadvantages women have still to suffer under socialism, whether in the family circles or in social life, they constitute only remnants of the defunct feudal and capitalist regimes. That is not specifically a problem between men and women, but a matter of class oppression, feudal or capitalist, towards women. If there are specific conflicts between men and women, which are rare, they usually derive from the influence of feudal and bourgeois ideologies. Handicaps and disadvantage suffered by women have essentially a class content. From your reports, it seems to me that this point has not been clearly realized. There is no adequate s derstanding of this point not only among women comrades, but among male Party members as well. The deeper the class consciousness of Party Committees and male Party members, the more attention they will pay to the women's question. pay little attention to the women's question is tantamount to neglecting the most numerous and the most oppressed section of the labouring people, and thus bespeaks an inadequate class stand. Therefore, the women's question is basically a classe issue.

 For instance, we go to the countryside to explain to women peasants the advisability of joining farming co-operatives. If we do not realize that this is a move ment designed to draw women into a class struggle between the two paths of development, a class struggle for the emancipation of labouring women, and instead only view this drive in connection with the unequalities and disadvantages suffered by women in general, then such an understanding is grossly inadequate. Another example: many male comrades still underrate the capabilities of women. This is due to the influence of feudal ideas. If these comrades have an adequate class stand, they would be able to better assess the capabilities of women. So long as one does not get rid of the oppressing and exploiting classes conceptions, one inevitably fails to fully appreciate the real value of the labouring women. So to approach the women's question in a penetrating manner, it is essential to start from the position of the working class.

 In addition to a lack of clarity in the matter of class standpoint, there has also been a certain tendency to confuse the movement for the emancipation of women in general and the specific women's movement led by our Party. The movement for women's emancipation came into being long ago. Such movement also existed under capitalism. These were guided by the bourgeoisie with a view to emancipating not the women masses as a whole but only a minority belonging to the upper strata. For us, the problem is in essence to emancipate the masses of labouring women, and to put into effect the slogan of "equality of rights between men and women" on the basis of the women's really conscious demand to take part in wielding political power and running the State apparatus, and thus become real masters of the country. 

 When women have not yet become cadres, have not yet acquired the standpoint of the working class, nor reached political maturity, they are usually inclined towards sacrificing their own interests and feelings in favour of their husbands and children. Well, I may not be right in assessing so, but as I see it, our women cadres, being mainly of petty-bourgeois origin, are still, in spite of their revolutionary activities, generally under the influence of petty-bourgeois ideas, both in their thinking and style of work. That is why they have failed to approach the womens's question as essentially a question of class struggle. Now that we have entered the stage of socialist revolution, a stage of open class struggle, the problem is no longer one of emancipating women in general, but of emancipating the most oppressed and the most exploited strata of labouring women. 

 There has been a time when we tackled the question in this way. That was during the land reform when we aroused the peasants to struggle against the landlords. That struggle did improve our class standpoint. But even then we were standing on the position of the working class. During the land reform drive, we did arouse the women peasants and educate them in class struggle, but in certain cases individual interests were over-emphasized to the detriment of class education. As a result, after land reform, there were jealousies over individual interests among women peasants in a number of places. Another manifestation of the low level of class consciousness of our women is their lack of unity and solidarity which is found not only at the grass-root level but also among leading cadres. Yes, there is pretty little unity and solidarity among our women cadres. Why so? Because women cadres have not yet acquired a sound class standpoint. Also because their minds are still weighed down by petty bourgeois thinking and individualism. This has its definite social origin, too. Under feudalism, women were quite secluded from one another, whereas men, to some extent, had some common activities and laboured together. For ages, women have worked singly, each in her own home. And so the emergence of a women's movement requires a great revolutionary change in the thinking of women. We should help Vietnamese women acquire a common class standpoint, have a liking for joint labour and other activities, and care more for the common good. Otherwise this individualistic way of life would form a great obstacle to the women's movement. 

 I do not suggest that all that pertains to the individual and the family must be discarded. I only mean that we should do away with individualism. We are now embarking on the co-operativization movement, the drive for the improvement of industrial management, in short, a deep-going socialist revolution. These revolutionary movements require that our women stand on the position of the working class. With the restoration of peace, our cadres are provided with a differentiated scale of wages and salaries which was unknown in the Resistance War. That is a necessity arising from the new situation and in application of the socialist principle of distribution according to the work done. Yet, objectively, this arrangement gives rise to a ticklish situation: people of a certain rank get a certain category of houses and salaries while people of other ranks get different kinds of houses and salaries. This has somewhat dimmed out our class consciousness which ought to have been further strengthened in the process of the socialist revolution. 

 This general situation also finds reflection in the women's movement. Proletarian thinking which ought to have been further strengthened has in fact weakened. Over the past few years, women in both urban and rural areas, have become part of the working class forces, but a distinctive women's movement has yet to emerge. You have written books and newspaper articles about husbands, wives and other subjects. One finds in these writings a great deal of thoughts and feelings. Yet, have these writings helped arouse the thinking of women and give them a deep class conciousness? Yes, but not much. Because the line of agitation work among women is not correct. 

 What, then, is the correct line? That is the Party's class line dealing with the women's movement. It re quires that we go to women workers in the factories, to women peasants in the countryside, to labouring women in the various urban districts, so as to find out the situation and work out a correct and judicious approach to the problem. 

III. SPECIFIC PROBLEMS 

 The women's question is a class issue. Besides, there still are other problems specific to women. So far, women have been the most oppressed people, not only in terms of class relations, but also in terms of old customs and moral standards. Therefore, in our agitation work, we should deal not only with the class interests, viz. Oppression, exploitation and hardship common to all labouring strata, but also with the specific aspects of oppression towards women. As an example, we may cite "the three allegiances and four virtues" (1). That is the cursed chain which shackled down women in the feudal society. That is a specific aspect of oppression towards women, a feudal and paternalistic pattern of domination and oppression. Therefore, it is a class issue. Our class standpoint would remain inadequate so long as we fail to help women liberate themselves from she shackles of obsolete feudal ethics. Hence, while arousing women to class consciousness we must dwell at length on these specific forms of tyranny which in substance, are also a matter of class oppression. 

 Women cadres will not be able to rouse the women masses if in their endeavour to promote the common good they neglect the specific interests of women. We must struggle against the unjust, irrational and immoral treatment of women by the past regimes. How properly will these problems be solved would depend on the manner in which women are to be aroused. The question is fairly complex: the contradiction which is of an internal character, does, however, involve the confrontation of two hostile ideologies. Underestimating women, holding them in contempt and oppression, are the conception of the enemies of the working class. But today, they are thus treated by none other than the fathers and husbands of our women, their dear ones. The question is not simple, because women set great store by filial and conjugal ties of affection. They do not want to hurt these feelings. However, to main tain these feudal ties would amount to preserving a ruthless and odious pattern of social relationship. For instance, a father compels his daugter to abandon her lover and marry another person. To disregard the father's order is considered as a breach of filial piety, but to obey him would mean infidelity and thus to reconcile fidelity in love with filial piety, the girl has no other way out than to commit suicide. Feudal family relationship sometimes leads to such a heart-breaking situation. We must set things right. If it is a contradiction between women workers and the bourgeoisie, or between women peasants and the landlords, then the solution will be easier. Now, this struggle between the new and the old operates both in the society and inside each family. Without a correct way to deal with it, not only will the women's movement meet with increased difficulties but even those engaged in the struggle would waver and hesitate. Therefore, we must work out correct methods and act cautiously in settling this contradiction . 

 Thus, my point of view is a women's revolutionary movement should go hand in hand with a revolution among women themselves. We must ponder over and sum up experiences regarding the contents and forms of the revolution for the emancipation of women. We must come to an accurate assessment of the contradictions to be solved by the women's movement. We must further enhance their revolutionary ardour. That is indeed the basic question at the moment. 

 Our women have a long record of revolutionary activities. But their revolutionary feelings are now less than adequate, and lack effervescence and vigour. We must arouse their spirit, infuse in their minds effervescence, vigour and a determination to stand up and break their shackles. Without revolutionary ardour and buoyancy in spirit and feelings, there can be no upsurge of the women's movement. Who then must be animated by a buoyant revolutionary spirit? In the first place, the "general staff" of the women's move ment the executive committees of the Women's Union at the central, provincial district and village levels. This "general staff" must be a revolutionary one if a revolutionary movement is to emerge among the broad masses. 

 How is the life of women with large families and a low income in Hanoi? Are the city and district exe cutive committees of the women's organization fully aware of their plight and to which extent relief and asistance have been given them? If they are not, then their revolutionary spirit is indeed far from adequate. In the past, our revolutionary militants had to risk jail sentences, ranging from ten, twenty years to life imprisonment in struggling for a two-cent increase of the workers' wages. Now that we have a State apparatus and many facilities, how is it that little attention is given to improving the living conditions of the masses? Because our revolutionary fervour is deficient. 

 What have we to do at present for our revolution? To accept sacrifices and selfless labour. Our cadres must overcome difficulties, bear hardships and work among the people with revolutionary zeal, thus only will it be possible to give further impetus to the revolutionary movement. It is no less necessary to enhance our revolutionary fervour than to define the contents of our revolutionary movement. Vietnamese women are endowed with a high sacrificing spirit. They usually care less for themselves than for others and prove to be exemplary indeed in their conjugal and maternal devotion. But this benevolence, which has so far been confined to the family circles, should now embrace the whole society. In other words, our women should readily make sacrifices for the revolutionary cause in the same way as they have done for their families. They must care for the masses as much as they do for their families. Only so can our women cadres give a strong impulse to their movement.

IV. IDEOLOGICAL APPROACH AND METHODS OF WORK 

 It is clear from the above that many difficulties should be overcome if the women's movement is to surge forward. Our Party must make further study of, and give more thought to, these problems so as to provide leadership to the women's movement. But concrete matters must be tackled by the Party's specialized agency, i.e., the Women's Union. Guidance and decision-making are the responsibility of Party committees at various levels, but studies and initial proposals must emanate from the Women's Union. Otherwise, it will not help the Party leadership. As you know, the Party leads the people through its Party members, groups and mass organizations. Some comrades argue that the women's movement has made little headway just because scant attention is being given it by Party committees at various levels. True, many Party committees have not paid adequate attention to this matter. But the main initiative and efforts should come from women themselves. Can our women prove equal to the task? I am sure they can because they are intelligent and capable. During the Resistance War, a woman fighter could kill some ememy soldiers. In production work, our women have also displayed considerable initiative in raising output. With such assets as creativeness, a rich fund of dynamism, and a high spirit of sacrifice, our women can, by their own efforts, give a strong impulse to the women's movement. If so far the record has not been up to the mark, that is because of certain deficiencies in the outlook of our women cadres and their placing excessive reliance on the Party committees at various levels. The Party leads their movement but women should not passively depend on it. If they do not take the initiative in looking after their own movement, then, one must say, they are still suffering from inferiority complex. This is the same with the youth. I attended a recent meeting of the Labour Youth cadres and there also, the biggest complaint was that little attention was paid to the youth problem by the local Party committees. True, certain Party committees have failed in their duty and should mend their ways, but the youth and women must see to their own movement. That is why I feel it necessary to deal with the methods of work as well. The first question is to strengthen the women's executive committees at various levels. To this effect, two following steps should be taken: 

 a) Unity among members of the executive committees of the Women's Union at various levels is a prere quisite to good leadership. Unity ensures creativeness and a correct understanding of the women's movement. Obviously, if each and every executive member holds a different view, leadership would be practically impossible. In the initial period, differences of views are natural and inevitable, but eventually there must be unity. In day-to-day life, there are certain trifles which may hinder unity. But if we let these trifles interfere with our political work, then this may adversely affect our unity in thinking and eventually harm the women's movement itself. Therefore, we must do away with these minor misunderstandings between individuals and forge closer unity in view of the Party's interests. Once we base our behaviour on our common class stand and on comradeship, there can be no insoluble contra dictions between individuals. What are the feelings worthy of a revolutionary militant? At least, he or she must feel affection for his or her comrades. Otherwise, he or she would feel affection for nobody. In addition to conjugal and maternal love, there also must be comradely affection. If one holds one's comrades in affection, then surely all misunderstandings and differences can be solved. Now, do you feel affection for your comrades? This is a very simple question. Yet, if the answer is "no", then you are no longer a revolutionary, and have indeed sinned against the revolutionary cause. Because devotion to the revolutionary cause presupposes a rich fund of humanism, and love for the labouring masses. It is therefore most unreasonable for comrades living close to one another and working shoulder to shoulder for a common cause to harbour dislike and misgivings for one another. Only unity and affection would enable us to jointly further the cause of the revolution. 

b) Secondly, the leadership must be close to the masses, and to this end, it must have hard core activists at the grass-root level. Hard-core activists are the link between Party committees and the masses. During the land-reform drive we had learned to select and use hard-core activists. But later on, the practice was neglected. The time has now come to revive it. Effective leadership of the women's movement could be achieved only if the executive committees at various levels carry out their work through a network of hard core activists. Unless we educate our activists at the grass-root level, we cannot secure a deep understanding of the situation of the masses. We must make effective use of the hard-core activists in order to develop contacts with the masses and arouse their spirit. At present, the women's movement is not developing at an equal pace in various parts of the country. Therefore, we must make a deep study of the matter and find out a village with the most advanced movement to develop the latter and then spread the experience to other areas. We all know this method of work, but have not yet put it into application. However, to give a strong impulse to the entire women's movement, we must, in the application of this method, proceed slowly, progressively in accordance with a detailed and exhaustive plan. For instance, our women cadres in Hanoi must acquaint themselves with each and every family in a given district of the capital, and in this way come to get a good grasp of the situation in each and every district. To succeed, this work may require three months, five months or even one year of efforts. It would be advisable for the Central Executive Committee of the Women's Union to specifically assure direct leadership of the women's movement in some provinces, say, Ha Noi, Ha Dong. There is no reason why the Central Executive Committee whose head office is in Ha Noi, should not have a direct hand in the women's movement of the capital. Besides, activities of the women's movement in Hanoi are pretty multifarious work in the factories, in the city's districts and suburban areas. Women working in various branches and services are also facing many problems. The Central Executive Committee of the Women's Union would do well to include a woman factory worker and a woman peasant to get its leadership closer to the real situation. I presume you have already given thought to this point. I think this is a correct step to be taken, because to make a more accurate assessment of a mass movement requires that we have activists working on the field and strive to get a good grasp of the situation. Even if our line and policies are correct, we cannot acquaint ourselves thoroughly with the situation if our organizational work and methods of work prove to be deficient. Hence our women's movement should gradually do away with formalism. Forms are necessary, no doubt, but what is more necessary is to get down to the grass-root level to find out problems to be settled and give timely guidance. 

 These views of mine may sound somewhat too severe. But we should be exacting towards ourselves, and clearly realize the weaknesses of our movement and take measures to overcome them so as to come forward and fulfil our task. I think Vietnamese women are capable of great achievements. During the Resistance War, a woman, seeing that the wailing of her child might reveal to the enemy the hide-out of our troops, had drowned her child in order to save the fighters. To sacrifice maternal love for the fighters' sake is indeed a sublime act of which only great hearts are capable. I think that women are motivated by the finest patriotic feelings and that the great beauty of our nation is embodied, first and foremost, in our women. When I was in jail, I had the opportunity to see that most of our cadres had excellent mothers. What does that mean? That precisely means that our mothers and sisters have the finest and noblest feelings. 

 Generally speaking, as our women are actuated by great thoughts and feelings, a great women's movement is bound to emerge in Viet Nam. But the content of these great thoughts and feelings must also evolve. In the past, they found expression in patriotism, in a staunch readiness to sacrifice one's conjugal and maternal love for the sake of nationalsalvation. At present, in addition to patriotism, they should embrace love for labour, attachment to the cause of human emancipation and the abolition of class society. We must develop our women's great traditions with a new content, so as to build up the women's movement. The duty of our women is not merely to push forward the revolutionary movement but also to form new generations. With their great and heroic traditions, I am convinced that Vietnamese women will certainly succeed in bringing about a broad based and powerful women's movement as part of the general revolutionary upsurge of our nation.

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(1). The three allegiances: allegiance to the husband, father and eldest son; the four virtues: fine homework, demeanour, speech and behaviour.

Source: Le Duan on the socialist revolution in Vietnam, vol.3

Le Duan and his wife